@Clyde85:
Perhapse I was to harsh in my earlier criticism, I understand not everyone has the same abality to extrapolate hyperbolies.
I will give a more detailed summary later but in short, I am taking from the Japanese proposed invasion of Australia, in which the proposed to occupy a chunk of northern Queensland close Papua, around Townsville. Then using this as a staging base the Japanese plan was to attack and occupy places like Brisbane, Sydney, Canberra, and Melbourne, not in a single mass but as a number of enclaves, controling the cities and the srounding suburbs. After acheiving this, they would sue for terms. I was kind of adapting this to fit an atempted invasion of the US. I was going to speculate that Japan would land in Seattle next, using it and victoria island as jumping points to attempt landings at other major cities along the west coast. However, as you say, the Japanese would come up against stiff resistance and Americas industrial might. So while they wouldnt be able attempt landings at other loactions they expand their holdings (like the first stage of the Australia invasion) and just dig in there.
The big thing to look at is the riplpe effect this is having on the other fronts of the war. While the US is tied up on its own western coast, the Japanese are, slowly, creating their defense perimeter, China is decaying, the Brits are still sea-saw fighting the Euro-axis and the Soviets are taking a pounding. Perhapse by the time the US pushes the fanatical Japanese off the US mainland Europe will be in even biger trouble, the Japanese will be entrenched in their desired perimeter, China will have fallen, and the Soviets will be near total collapse. Perhapse the US would accept Japans terms to seperate spheres at that point.
You and Malachi Crunch have both made good points in this discussion. I agree with Malachi Crunch’s point about the sheer size of the territory Japan would have to conquer if its goal was the conquest of America. The United States has roughly as much land area as China, and the latter had proved beyond Japan’s ability to conquer. (Granted, about 20% of the U.S.'s land area is in Alaska, but even if that is subtracted away, it’s still a very large land territory.)
I think that earlier you made an excellent point about how a Japanese conquest of the U.S. west coast would cause serious, if temporary, disruption to American aircraft manufacturing. A lot of American aircraft manufacturing was (and is) out on the West Coast.
In thinking of alternative history scenarios, I like to ask the question, “what is the exit strategy for the Axis?” I’d break exit strategies into one of two categories. 1) Using military means to encourage the Allies to negotiate peace. 2) Using military means to force the Allies to choose between negotiation and destruction.
Japan’s Pearl Harbor attack was premised on the idea that the former exit strategy was a viable option. That represented a diplomatic blunder of the first order. Before concluding that a series of quick Japanese victories would inspire the FDR administration to agree to a negotiated peace, the Japanese should have asked questions like, “Why is the FDR administration deliberately provoking a war with us? What do they hope to gain? Could they still achieve those gains if they agree to terms after we’ve scored a few lightning victories against them?” Had they considered the matter in these terms, they would have realized that FDR had zero interest in giving Japan the short war/peace treaty it wanted. Also, there was little or no chance of FDR being subjected to external political pressure to negotiate with Japan.
If Japan were to conquer the major Canadian and American cities on the West Coast, the result would be a major short-term disruption in American and Canadian production, and a smaller (but still significant) reduction in Canadian and American industrial potential. While significant, those factors in themselves would not have been enough to defeat the United States.
In order to achieve even those victories, Japan would have to significantly reduce its military pressure on China. (And perhaps even covertly negotiate with one or more of the Chinese factions.) The Japanese Army could not be strong everywhere: strength in North America would imply weakness in China. The loss of Chinese territory would be acceptable, as long as Japan held onto Manchuria and some coastal Chinese territory further south.
I agree that this Japanese invasion scenario would have significantly reduced, or even eliminated, Lend Lease aid to the Soviet Union and Britain. It would also have prevented the American landing in Algeria (1942), and subsequent invasion of Italy (1943). But these things would not have been enough to alter the fate of the German Army on its eastern front.
In 1938, Germany had 69 million people, as compared to 169 million for the Soviet Union. By the summer of '41, 80% of German men between ages 20 - 30 were members of the Wehrmacht. (The remaining 20% were considered vital to German industry.) In comparison, the Soviet Union was able to recruit 500,000 men a month, starting in the summer of '41, and ending in late '44 or early '45. This meant that Germany could not afford anything remotely close to a 1:1 exchange ratio.
During 1942, the Soviet Union produced four times as many tanks as did Germany, three times as many artillery pieces, and nearly twice as many military aircraft. Germany would significantly increase its military production later in the war. But over the short-term, the Soviets’ massive production advantage did significant harm.
The battle of Stalingrad is a good case in point. Germany needed the oil of Caucasus. Control of Stalingrad was a necessary prerequisite to begin the planned invasion of the Caucasus oilfields. The German summer offensive of 1942 initially caught the Soviets by surprise, and resulted in hundreds of thousands of Soviet prisoners. But many Soviet soldiers escaped the pockets Germany had surrounded. Also, the street-to-street fighting necessary to take Stalingrad itself proved ugly. (Ugly in this case meaning a roughly 1:1 exchange ratio.) By the fall of '42 Germany had gained control of nearly all of Stalingrad.
But then the Soviets launched an offensive, not against Stalingrad itself, but against the Romanian and Italian units near Stalingrad. (Due to a shortage of German soldiers, soldiers from Germany’s allies had been used to support the flanks of Stalingrad.) After Stalingrad had become surrounded, the German plan had been to support the soldiers there over the short-term with air transports. Later, a German invasion would relieve the solders in the pocket. Germany had used that general strategy before to successfully supply and later relieve a surrounded German pocket. Goering assured Hitler that the same could be done on a much larger scale for the soldiers at Stalingrad. Goering’s boasts and promises soon proved hollow and empty, and the garrison at Stalingrad gradually starved. (It also lacked remotely adequate ammunition and medical supplies.)
Generally when the story of Stalingrad is told, the focus is on Hitler’s foolishness in refusing to allow the Stalingrad force to evacuate. But as important as that decision was, and as disastrous as it proved, there was another, equally important aspect to the situation. The German military, from Hitler on down, understood that it was absolutely essential to reestablish a land link with the Stalingrad force. They moved forces to the area to try to accomplish exactly that. Instead, the main German Army was pushed farther and farther away from Stalingrad. In this raw contest of military strength, the Red Army had proved stronger than its German counterpart.
One could point out that the main German force in the area would have been considerably stronger had the Stalingrad force escaped. (Or had avoided being surrounded in the first place.) On the other hand, the Soviet offensive in that region would have been a lot stronger if they had not had to detach a very large force to surround the German force at Stalingrad. The German Southern Army minus the Stalingrad force against the souther Red Army minus the force surrounding Stalingrad seems like a relatively good test of the relative armies’ strength.
The Red Army came very close to achieving a 1:1 exchange ratio at the Battle of Stalingrad–a ratio which Germany absolutely could not afford. But even had that battle not occurred, the Red Army would still have been stronger than its German counterpart in late '42 and early '43. New Soviet conscripts were arriving at the rate of 500,000 men a month, whereas Germany’s manpower reserves had been depleted. The Soviets were becoming more skillful in war, and had reduced the gap between themselves and the Germans. (Though that gap still persisted–at the Battle of Kursk in 1943, German infantry proved three times as combat-effective as their Soviet counterparts.)
Even if the United States had spent 1942 and '43 wholly distracted by a Japanese invasion, it would not have been enough to allow Germany to achieve victory against the Red Army.